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By Dr. Emanuel Adil Ghouri

Undoubtedly, the two-nation theory formed the basis of the Pakistan independence movement, but alongside it were other economic, social, political, and religious factors. The brief summary of the two-nation theory is that Muslims and Hindus are two separate nations whose religion, civilization, way of life, and culture differ from each other. Therefore, by living in one region, one nation would become a minority and the other a majority. This, it was argued, would lead to millions of Muslims becoming slaves of Hindus, resulting in the destruction of Muslims. Thus, Muslims should begin the struggle for a separate country where they could live according to the basic principles of Islam.

It seems that, according to Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, India was inhabited by only two nations. In reality, however, the region was composed of many nations, including Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, Muslims, Buddhists, Parsis, and others. Like Muslims, these communities were also victims of oppression, injustice, religious prejudice, and political and social inequality at the hands of the Hindu majority. Yet Hindu-Muslim riots were more severe, widening the gap between the two communities.

Even in 1924, while giving an interview to the Daily Herald London in Mumbai, Muhammad Ali Jinnah said: How can two great nations of India, who cannot eat together under one roof, live together? One worships the cow while the other eats beef. Similarly, Hindu extremist Sir Munim Swami does not recognize churches and mosques as places of worship, as if demolishing the places of worship of other religions is part of his faith.

The two-nation theory of 1857 is completely different from the one promoted by the religious leadership after the establishment of Pakistan. According to this later interpretation, Hindus, Christians, Jews, Buddhists, and Magians from all over the world constitute one nation, while all Muslims form another. In the past, minorities were oppressed by the majority, and religion was used as a justification for this. This is the same problem faced by Pakistani minorities today.

Here, the Christian leaders of the Pakistan Movement have been proven wrong. They believed that Pakistan would become a safe haven for Christians because Muslims themselves had been a minority in India for a long time. During that period, they endured religious prejudice, oppression, extremism, and political and social inequality. Therefore, it was assumed that their attitude toward their own minorities would be completely different. The struggle for freedom by Muslims received strong cooperation from other minorities—especially Christians—which made many impossible things possible, particularly the division of Punjab. But the situation turned out to be the opposite. When Muslims became the majority, they inflicted more atrocities on their minorities than those they had suffered as a minority.

Before the establishment of Pakistan, there is no example of minorities being killed extrajudicially in the name of blasphemy. Today, people are being burned alive or their bodies burned after death. Hundreds of non-Muslims have been charged with blasphemy and imprisoned for years. Hundreds of churches have been burned, and hundreds of houses demolished—these are historical examples we find in Pakistan.

Christians played an important political role in liberating this land from Hindu domination. Yet this is the same land where Islamic slogans are written on church walls and Christians are called infidels. Those who erase these words are accused of blasphemy and shot. Pastors have been forced at gunpoint to convert to Islam. When nations are crushed by oppression—when their honor, homes, places of worship, and religious beliefs are not protected—separatist movements arise. A similar echo was heard after the Jaranwala tragedy.

From 1997 to 2022, there have been 91 attacks on Christian churches and settlements, and not a single accused person has been punished or brought to justice. This is why the Jaranwala tragedy became such a devastating event that shocked Christians across the country. After such incidents, even a rumor of blasphemy causes Christian settlements to empty overnight. People flee their homes and run to safe places to save their lives. The recent incidents in Ghausia Town, Sheikhupura, Rawalpindi, and Tandeawala are fresh examples.

People active on social media know that today’s Christians do not feel safe in Muslim-majority areas, nor have Christian settlements been safe for them. Frightened Christians want free Christian countries to give them shelter, and some have begun wishing for a separate Christian country of their own. Seeing their helplessness, it seems to me that a new two-nation theory is being born—one that explains why it has become difficult for Christians and extremist Muslims to live together. Christians are now witnessing conditions they did not see before the creation of Pakistan.

We, patriotic Christians, do not want the division of our motherland. But seeing the depressed faces of our people, we strongly support the demand that Pakistani Christians be given protection of life and property, granted the right to be equal citizens, and freed from an atmosphere of religious prejudice—so that there may be no need for a two-nation theory in the present era.